Monday, July 11, 2011

Morocco In the News: July 1 - 10


Morocco moved in democracy's direction over the weekend, but unlike this winter's much ballyhooed revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, the world -- including the Obama administration -- barely noticed. Spring? Where?
In a referendum in which, impressively, three quarters of voting-age Moroccans participated, the country adopted significant reforms. Under the new rules, which passed with 97 percent of the vote, King Mohammed VI is to keep ultimate control over the army and remains the supreme religious authority -- but on most issues he now must "consult" with an elected prime minister.
The reforms don't establish the kind of constitutional monarchy that, say, Sweden or Great Britain enjoy. But Morocco's experiment in transferring some powers to elected officials is unique in a region in which unelected (or faux-elected) rulers tend to grab, rather than cede, powers.
Also included are more rights for women and minorities -- another rarity in the Arab Mideast. Berber, for example, will become an official national language alongside Arabic.
The 44-year-old king, who acceded in 1999, started experimenting with reforms much before the so-called Arab Spring. Events in Tunisia and Egypt, however, prompted him to hasten the process.
Unlike former Tunisian ruler Zine El Abidene Ben Ali and Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, who were almost universally despised by their countrymen, King Mohammed is revered even by Moroccans who are calling for deeper reforms than he's offering.
The thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators who took to the streets after the weekend's referendum have a point when they demand further reforms. Too much corruption chokes the Moroccan economy, and despite some new press freedoms, criticizing the monarch is still frowned upon. As Mohammed is likely to soon discover, a bit of democracy is a slippery slope toward much more democracy.
Nevertheless, his nod to liberalization could transform for the better several corners in a region in which hope is rare in this summer of discontent.
As the Moroccan-born Columbia University Mideast researcher Younes Abouyoun says, the king's "controlled evolutionary approach" could become a blueprint for regional change.
Jordan's King Abdullah may be forced to adopt similar measures soon. Bahrainis are already demanding that their king follow suit. And Berbers in neighboring Algeria want similar rights as their Moroccan brethren.
Morocco's evolution may be a more promising path to democracy than the "Arab Spring" revolutions -- certainly less violent than, say, in Syria and Libya.
And look at Egypt. Over the winter, everyone from President Obama on down marveled at the prospect of a new democracy ruled by the likes of a young Google executive, Wael Ghonim, who'd spent much of his life over here. In reality, however, the front-runner in Egypt's presidential race is a 74-year-old former Arab League chief, Amre Moussa, who more than anyone symbolizes the old Mideast order.
And that's before we even contemplate the dangers that fundamentalist Islamists (and their evil twin, the terror masters) would take over.
Fearing that such forces are much too well-organized for anyone else to compete in a fair election, Egypt's ruling military authorities are now reportedly considering a delay in the presidential vote, which is scheduled for September.
Morocco, meanwhile, has long been on our side in the fight against Islamist terror, combating such forces as al Qaeda in the Maghreb and fundamentalists who've infiltrated groups seeking independence from Morocco in Western Sahara.
The Obama administration has talked up the revolutions that toppled American allies in Egypt and Tunisia. These, we learned, represented progress toward true Arab democracy. We heard no similar enthusiasm from Washington over the weekend, when Secretary of State Hillary Clinton issued a pro-forma statement, saying that we "welcome" Morocco's referendum results.
At the same time, King Mohammed sent America a July 4 love letter. "In 1777, Morocco was the first nation to recognize US independence," he wrote, reiterating his own commitment to "the principles of democracy" and "the fight against all forms of extremism."
Yes, we've heard such sentiments from Arab leaders before -- not all genuine. And no, Morocco's referendum is nothing like America's momentous revolutionary approach to governance, as celebrated on July 4.
But Morocco took a significant step that could become a model for transition toward democracy (and affinity with the West) in the region. We should make a bigger deal out of it than we have so far.
Tafline Laylin | July 4th, 2011
“You should know that I haven’t hiked in a while,” I told Mohammed, my Berber guide for a two day trek to the highest point in North Africa. He nodded and grinned,  understanding nary a word. I allowed myself to feel reassured knowing full well that he should have said, “lady – go hike a few smaller trails and then come back.” Instead, we set out at 9am the following morning for our 14 mile, 7, 826 foot climb from Imlil, a small village in the nook of the Atlas Mountains south of Marrakech, to Mt. Toubkal – the top of the range.
In my former incarnation as a tour leader, the hike to Toubkal, which in Tamazight literally means the highest point of the region, would have been a breeze (except for the altitude, which effects even the most seasoned hiker.) As a sedentary freelance writer afraid to leave the computer for more than a few minutes, going up went remarkably well. Coming back, not so much.
The owners of my gîte, Azdour Abdellali, arranged everything. They waited late Friday evening for the taxi to drop me off in Imlil, had tea waiting for me in their three-storey home (with a terrace that boasts some of the best views imaginable), served a delicious tagine for dinner, fed me again in the morning, arranged my guide, and essentially made sure that I was taken care of from start to grueling finish.Immediately after leaving the gîte, the climb began, first on to a cleared dirt road and through another Berber village just above Imlil, and then to the rocky banks of the Mizane River.
From there we began to make serious elevation changes that left me not breathless, but dizzy. Dizzy enough to stay away from the edge.
Making way for hardworking mules arranged with colorful baskets carrying tents, backpacks, and other camping gear, or supplies for the various pitstops along the route, Mohammed and I made our way through the valley to Sidi Chamarouch in good time. He kept a cigarette dangling from his lips up and down the summit (and to my silent dismay, flicked the butts).
Like weary travelers trekking to greener pastures, we stopped at shops along the way that sold junk food, apparel, jewels, and bottled beverages kept cool by a “Berber refrigerator.” These were wonderful opportunities to have conversation with the men who tended them and ensured that we were rested before continuing on.
One young man worked as a translator for Peace Corps volunteers and explained how a half Thai student left his post early because he couldn’t get along with the group (gossip happens everywhere!) His penchant for language is not unusual, however. Most of the Berbers we met are remarkably adept at languages: many speak Arabic, English, French, Spanish, and Tamazight.
It wasn’t long before we hit the morraine’s rocky green and pink slopes, where a real, live Berber shepherd tended his flock of sheep, and then the Refuge Toubkal established by the French Alpine Club as a base camp. We rested here for the night in order to adjust to the noticeable change in altitude.
At least 80 people were gathered at the Refuge, including several bright Moroccan university students, two pink-faced Scottish families, hardcore French and Spanish trekkers, a beautiful German family that belong on an advertisement for Swiss chocolate, and of course the many local people who kept this operation running as smooth as can be expected.
We left the following morning at 5.30am to ensure that we would have a clear vista at the summit. My guide illuminated our way across a plank bridge, under which the Mazine river gushed angrily, using a cell phone light. And then we hit the scree and boulders and a few precipitous edges. On one particularly steep ledge, my legs already exhausted of power, I sucked face with snowpack while the guide led me to the other end. 
The summit can only be described as surreal. After several “what the hell am I doing moments,” and a final frightening push, we were at the top of North Africa, marked by a large “iron triangle” placed there in 1923 by Marquis de Segonzac, Vincent Berger and Hubert Dolbeau. Arriving was full of clean air and crystal perspective, and I genuinely feel renewed, but I would be Herodotus if I didn’t also explain how the sexy German hiker looked at me with unbridled pity and told me to trust my guide on the way back down. He must have noticed the apprehension written on my face that I thought was a silent struggle.
With several hours of hiking ahead of us, Mohammed and I set off. Going down was not only more difficult because of gravity and loose scree, but constantly stepping down is very hard on the knees – especially if, like me, your leg muscles have been neglected. I wished for hiking sticks, and towards the end, prayed for flat ground. But because it was worth it and because I had no other choice, I persevered. Perseverance conquers was my high school motto after all.
 
Students experience political change in Morocco.
By Isaac E. Gwin Saturday, July 2, 2011
RABAT, MOROCCO — During the course of the past several months, numerous countries of the Middle East and Northern Africa, including those of Tunisia and Egypt, have experienced sweeping and dramatic reforms.
Citizens took to the streets in protest of their overbearing, authoritarian governments. This Arab Spring, the name given to the revolutions that have touched much of the Arab world, has brought about a time of collective initiative aimed at fundamentally changing the lives of all those involved.
The North African country of Morocco, encouraged through the influence of the Arab Spring, is primed to undertake its own political and social reforms as its citizens prepare to vote on Friday afternoon to instate a newly amended constitution.
Five KU students currently studying abroad in Morocco will have the opportunity to witness first-hand what this historical moment will mean for the country.
The protests and demonstrations put forth Feb. 20 in the capital city of Rabat, with thousands demanding changes to the constitution and limitations on the monarchy, received the attention of King Mohammed VI, who in response promised to consider their grievances.
The result has been the some 80 clauses that will be voted on by the people to be added to the constitution, of which include the relinquishing of powers to the parliament, constitutionalization of human rights and the official recognition of the Amazigh, or Berber, language and cultural identify.
“This can be seen as the beginning of a gradual move toward more democratization in the future, although, for some these immediate changes are simply not enough,” said Driss Maghraoui, history professor at Al Akhawayn Univeristy in Ifrane, Morocco. “The major concentration of power will still lie with the king. He still has the role of commander of the faithful. He is still the supreme commander of the military. He will also maintain his ability to remove the prime minister. But still for others this is seen as an important step in the right direction.”
The history of voting in Morocco has been one of floundering participation. With reportedly corrupt parties and rigged elections, most Moroccans have shied away from the voting process, or even political dialogue altogether.
“Unfortunately, this is the voting situation in Morocco,” Maghraoui said. "The level of corruption in the past has deterred many from wanting to vote because they know it will not do any good. This was especially true prior to the rule of the current monarch. This regime has been slightly more transparent, though many of the political parties have been discredited. People also know that the King ultimately still has the power. This is something though that I think this regime would like to change. If people don’t go out to vote it will not look good for them.”
The reforms in the new constitution and the push towards democracy have sparked political debate among many college-aged Moroccans who have begun to consider what role they will play in the future of their country and how they will ultimately continue its growth.
“Morocco needs active people,” Zineb Abbad El Andaloussi, a senior at Al Akhawayn, said. "The problem is that our social system is all over the place. Our middle class is almost non-existent. Families are either super rich or super poor, and if you can’t afford to take your kids to school then they will not receive the knowledge necessary to participate in the growth of our country. I ultimately want a transfer of power to the people, but we don’t know who these people are yet and what they would do with this power. Education is what it is going to take to take people out of the dark so they can form and act on their own opinions and not just do what they are told.”
It remains to be seen what will come of Friday’s election in Morocco, but one thing is certain, it has fundamentally started the wheels of change.
“I am anxious to see how this election will go, how many people will actually go and vote, and see if these changes will actually be introduced or not,” said Mehdi Lazrak, a senior at Al Akhawayn. “I really hope this election will get more people involved politically, because it seems that most Moroccans, including myself before this election, really don’t want to have anything to do with politics. The face of Morocco is changing and we all should help to make it what we want.”
As a student studying abroad in a foreign country, the opportunity to witness these kinds of fundamental changes is quite unique.
For Brandon Holland, a senior from Minneapolis studying Arabic this summer at Al Akhawayn Univeristy, Morocco has come to represent a home away from home, and one he is anxious to see what the future will hold for.
“The desire for political change is undeniable here, Holland said. “It’s really interesting to see how the king has handled everything. It hasn’t been a situation like we’ve seen in Egypt with Mubarak or in Libya with Gaddafi. He has kept it mostly peaceful. I have to commend King Mohammed VI for giving these reforms. He’s politically savvy enough to keep things from escalating. It’s all incredibly interesting and I really hope things turn out well here. I really do love this country.”
— Isaac E. Gwin is a correspondent for The Kansan studying at Al Akhawayn Univeristy in Ifrane, Morocco.
 
MOROCCAN CHICKEN BASTILA: STEP-BY-STEP RECIPE .
 
NORA FITZGERALD 07/05/11
Marrakech  / Morocco Board News--Bastila is a Moroccan dish made from chicken, eggs and almonds, layered and wrapped in phylo dough.  The word comes from Spanish “pastilla” which I am assuming refers to the thin crispy layers of dough.  Who knows if this dish still exists in Spain, but “history” (i.e. wikipedia) tells us that the Moors brought this dish with them when they were driven out of Spain in the late 1400′s.  Today it is served ubiquitously at special occasions, usually as an appetizer ahead of a meat dish.
I’ve been wracking my brains for ideas to help some of the struggling ladies I know, which is hard to do since my brain actually liquefied and oozed out of my ears a long time ago in this 110 degree heat.  But thankfullyI retained that 10 percent of our brains that we actually use.  So it dawned on me that knowing  how to make bastila is a potentially marketable skill.  In Morocco, women who know how to make it can get commissioned by their neighbors or by local catering companies.  It’s something they can do at home and at their own pace.  But for a large number of Moroccan women, there are two basic challenges when it comes to a home industry like making bastila.  One is illiteracy.  So they can’t read recipes, something most of us take for granted.  Another challenge is not being able to afford the ingredients in order to practice a few times.  These things pose such a huge mental block that women won’t even try.
I wanted to find a way to overcome both challenges.  The idea came to have  a series of cooking classes, free to the participants, funded by outside donations.  We held the first one last Sunday, at the school I work at CLC Morocco (www.clcmorocco.org).  When our school cook, Khadija, heard about the project, she immediately volunteered to teach the class.  Khadija is great cook, but more than that she has a fun-loving confident personality that puts even the shyest and most awkward among us at ease.  As for the participants, we started with a small group of 5 women, some of whom I’ve blogged about here, so if you’ve been reading, you have an idea of the challenges these women face.
As they worked, I took pictures in order to make a picture recipe book that the women can follow another time.  Seeing and participating in making the dish the first time would give them the initial confidence they would need to try it again.
First they prepared and laid out all the ingredients.  From left to right, top: powdered sugar and regular, 1 kg almonds, 1 kg onions, 2 chickens; middle row: 1 gram saffron threads, fake saffron food coloring, 3 cinnamon sticks, peppe, ginger, chopped coriander, smen (ghee), and 1 kg of the bastila sheets called warqa in Arabic; last row: Ras el Hanout spice mix, salt, 3-4 garlic cloves, oil, melted butter.  Missing from this picture are 15 eggs and orange blossom water.
I have to warn you, making bastila is a long process.  It’s a labor of love that I don’t actually expect you or myself to make.  But just for fun, here’s how it’s done.
First, the chicken is set to stew with lots of salt, pepper, ground ginger, ras el hanout (about 2 large spoons each, Moroccan cooks don’t give exact measurements).  There is also a good cup of oil, about a quarter cup of smen (gheen), the onions, garlic, saffron and coriander. Khadija told us that some people prefer to leave the coriander whole in a small bouquet, then fish it out at the end.  She prefers to add it chopped, but she said “you do it however you want”.  That is basically the philosophy behind Moroccan cooking, measurements are eyeballed, the dish is tasted at various intervals and tweeked, and no two cooks will make the same exact recipe.
 
Stir the chicken in the pot.  It’s going to smell really good really quick, but don’t start to falter, although your mouth may start to water, the end is *not* in sight.  
Good yellow chicken.  Moroccans will not tolerate white chicken.  While the chicken is cooking, you can work on the almonds, see bellow.
When it’s good and cooked, the chicken is removed from the sauce, left to cool and de-boned.  Stage one complete.
Next, skim off a small bowlful of the sauce, add it to the chicken to avoid dryness.  Now start the egg stage.  About 12 or so eggs will be broken straight into the sauce and stirred.
Keep stirring until they look like this.  Then transfer them to a colander and let all the excess water drain out.  Stage 2 complete.
The almonds now.  These take a while so it’s best if you do this step the day before.  It’s tedious and depressing to do this alone, be warned, so call your friends and make it a bastila-making party.  In our cooking class, there were like 5 ladies plus Khadija plus me working, cleaning, laughing (in my case, snapping photos and running out for random ingredients that we ran out of) and it still took about 2-3 hours from start to finish.  The almonds need to be washed, boiled, skinned, dried, and fried.  If you know Moroccan cooking, then you know what I mean.  For the bastila, Khadija’s method was to take the now prepared almonds and add cinnamon (1 large spoon), regular sugar (a bowlful, to taste, personally I like mine good and sweet), a few tablespoons of orange blossom water.  Then the almonds are pulsed in a food processor until they are coarsely ground.  Then Khadija added a good half a cup or so of melted butter.  Mmm!
Stage 3 complete.  Now on to the great assembling of the bastila.  Here you have 2 things on hand, a bowlful of melted butter (check your diet at the door) and a bowl with 2 beaten eggs (remember the eggs are the glue that keeps the bastila sheets together).  In Morocco, we order bastila sheets at the local bakery the day before.
First butter the pan.  Lay the first sheet down, half hanging out of the pan.
Add four more overlapping sheet, brushing egg in between them, and brushing butter on top. A fifth sheet is added in the center, egged and buttered.
Now take your chicken and eggs and mix them up (who cares which came first, hehe).  Lay them down for the first layer.  It should be a good 1.5 – 2.5 inches thick.  With the amounts we used, we had a good third left over (we made little bastilas out of the leftover filling).
Place a bastila sheet over that layer.  Not everyone does this, some prefer to just add the almonds directly.
Now add the coarsely ground almonds.
Now add another bastila sheet smack dab in the middle, and start to fold all the flaps over. 
Always egg and butter.
At the very end, you add one last bastila sheet to cover the whole thing.  Tuck it in nicely all around and butter the top.
Put it in to cook, about 45 minutes, until the bastila is golden brown and crispy.  At this point I sort of dropped the ball on photos and did not get a PHOTO OF THE FINISHED BASTILA.  Doh!  At the end, you decorate it with powdered sugar and cinnamon.  It is so good, I’d place it among the top 5 best Moroccan dishes.  Oh yeah, and you can’t get it in restaurants, well, not really, unless you go to those swanky places that serve pigeon bastila at exorbitant prices.  Homemade is always better!
But you can sort of see it in this picture along with the apprentice cooks.
 
It was such an enjoyable day.  I think the ladies learned a lot from Khadija (she’s second from left here).  She has had lots of experience cooking for riads and for catering services, so she has the confidence it takes.  These women on the other hand, have worked mostly as maids, receiving orders, so maybe do not have that confidence.  The cost of the ingredients for this dish and the fruit tarts they made afterwards was about 300 dirhams (40 dollars).  It’s not a lot, but in Morocco it can be a week’s salary.  Someone had given me this money and said, do something for the ladies.  This turned out to be an awesome use of the money.   Khadija also insisted that we buy the ladies proper white uniforms, which made them feel like real students.   And these ladies who are so used to serving others, their employers and families, well on this day they were the guests of honor, since we all sat down and ate the bastila together.  For me, it was a perfect day combining several of my favorite things (things I have not yet figured out how to get paid for doing, lol): networking, planning, empowering women, photography, eating and finally breaking through the blogger’s block!
 
Go here for Photos:
UN Women report: Access to justice in Morocco.
Lucy Lamble / guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 6 July 2011
As UN Women releases its report on justice, a leading authority on women's rights in Morocco explains why the new constitution recognising gender equality is key to reform
Morocco is at an interesting moment. Inspired by events elsewhere in the region, the 20 February protests by the Movement for Dignityled to last week's referendum on constitutional reforms proposed by King Mohammed VI. The changes mean executive powers will rest with a prime minister but allow the king to remain head of the military, religious authorities and judiciary. But what does this mean for women in Morocco?
Despite these moves towards political reform, there are still significant barriers for women seeking justice. Some reflect women's position in society; others the way the justice system works, with questions raised about judicial independence, corruption and, above all, the slowness of procedures.
Rabéa Naciri is former president of the Association Démocratique des Femmes du Maroc, one of the largest non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Morocco focused on women's rights, and now sits on its steering committee. She is also a professor at the University of Rabat and served on the progress advisory group for the UN Women justice report published on Wednesday.
For her, the barriers are clear. "Many women aren't literate and so obviously their understanding of the judicial system is weak. Poverty is an issue too – legal fees, transport costs, the means to get around. In fact, many women don't have freedom of movement. As well as the social issues, there's also cultural practice. For example, it can bring shame if a woman takes a member of her family or her spouse to court – it can be a difficult experience to go through and can be perceived badly."
There's also the attitude and outlook of the legal professionals. "I don't mean to generalise, but some have a tendency to take sides and moralise. The whole patriarchal system kicks in. Some will position themselves against the woman as they don't believe she should be asking for a divorce. Even if she has the right to ask for a divorce, if her husband doesn't beat her and still provides for the family, magistrates may be against divorce and make women provide concrete reasons to justify it."
Since the Family Code was adopted in 2004, efforts have been made by the state and the government to provide better access to justice especially through family tribunals – steps such as information centres for women, training for lawyers on women's rights and recruiting social workers to advise and support women. But the bulk of the work is being done by NGOs - women's organisations and feminist groups - which have set up their own advice centres in addition to the government ones.
These services are still thin on the ground but are a crucial support, according to Naciri, who describes the implementation of the Family Code as "a social and political challenge for Morocco", especially on issues like violence. Official statistics show that, as is so often the case, those who carry out violence are usually the husbands. What is needed now is a network of services for women who've suffered discrimination and violence, to guide them through the whole process from the complaint to the police, through medical checks and right to the courts, says Naciri.
She is quick to recognise that there has been progress but argues that Morocco still lacks the human and financial resources to really offer women access to justice. It's particularly difficult to find support in small towns. Even where there's a centre, it may not always have the means or the legal expertise to adequately support these women.
Some police forces and tribunals are trying to set up partnerships so that women are supported by NGOs but, as Naciri argues, "It's all very well NGOs filling the vacuum but the state does have a responsibility to open information centres so that women have the access and support they need to go through the process. There's still not really the understanding of the difficulties, especially in smaller towns."
Alimony and child support are essential but often overlooked. If a woman is thrown out of the family home, the law says the husband must meet the woman's material needs. But if a woman doesn't have a job, in a crisis, unless the husband or family give her money, she has no way of surviving and taking care of her children. So how can she report a violent husband if she's not sure the case will ever reach a resolution? If the process will ultimately lead to a divorce and the husband doesn't accept her case, how are and her children to survive? The danger is that only women of independent means can afford to divorce. All this creates a situation where only a tiny proportion of cases actually get to court.
Given the political and cultural resistance experienced by many Moroccan women's groups, how genuine is the state backing for reform and gender equality? Naciri believes "where there's political will, the money will follow. Several political initiatives have been taken but it's more thanks to international support, not the state budget, it's bodies like the EU and UN Women who work with women's organisations on legal, governance and access issues. All the work done for women's access to justice is supported by organisations like these. It starts with government programmes but it's implemented by NGOs – for me, that's a sign that there's no political will really".
There is, however, one important gesture. The state now backs a fund for alimony and child support. The fund will pay maintenance until the state can reclaim the money from the husband, if he has the means.
The new constitution is key – pro gender equality and anti-discrimination with a strengthened legal system. The previous one didn't recognise equality between women and men in civil law. On paper, at least, it has potential: affirmative action to reinforce the presence of women in magistrates' courts, in the civil service, everywhere in the state. Women's equality has been recognised explicitly in civil, economic and political terms. "We'll be watching it all closely,' says Naciri, "human rights and women's organisations will have to monitor to be sure it's all implemented".
Naciri is hopeful that Morocco is entering a new era with this constitution, exploring fresh ways of doing things and with parliament answerable to the people.
"We're not a democratic country yet, but we are beginning to lay down the foundations for good governance and the new constitution is bringing a lot of improvements. What's crucial is how the new constitution is implemented over the next five years – new laws, new policies, a new judiciary system and the new electoral code – making the long hoped-for reform a reality."
 
By Michael Martin | July 4, 2011
For Moroccan Berbers, the king's recent constitutional rewrite is all rhetoric. Literally.
Driven to reform by protests earlier this year that were inspired by the fall of the Tunisian and Egyptian presidents, King Mohamed VI has successfully rewritten the constitution. Changes were made official in a landslide vote last Friday at some 40,000 polling stations across the country.
Now thousands of protestors are taking to Moroccan streets again, unimpressed by reforms that effectively relinquish a slew of royal powers to elected officials. Some 4,000 marched the streets of Rabat, Morocco's capital, and another 20,000 marched in Casablanca, according to one Reuters report. 
Included in the reforms was a gesture to appease Berber activists. Berber language or Tamzight was raised from national language to official language status, meaning that it will now be taught in Moroccan schools in addition to Modern Standard Arabic.
But the nation's Berbers say the gesture won't help their political marginalization in what they believe is an Arab-dominated government.
"This is a symbolic measure. But there are still those in government who have long worked against the integration of Amazighs (the Berber word for themselves) politically and these measures won't do much about them," said Ahmed Adghirni, the front man for the Berber struggle in Morocco, in a phone interview from Rabat, Morocco's capital.
Adghirni started the Parti Démocratique Amazigh Marocain (PDAM), a political party to represent Moroccan Berbers in 2005, although his gestures to represent Berbers politically started in 1993.
The party was banned in 2007 and formally dissolved by Morocco's judiciary in 2008, on the grounds that race-based parties are illegal in the North African nation. Shortly after, the party reunited under the name Parti Ecologiste Marocain, but remains virtually inactive in Moroccan government.
"The activists in my party are trying to safeguard our rights. We are deprived of participation in Moroccan politics. We are looking for a favorable political climate to continue with our activities," said Adghirni.
Although they are largely unimpressed by the constitutional changes, Berber activists expect some improvement in their integration into mainstream Moroccan society.
"There are some Berber people in the Atlas mountains that come to live in the cities, but they can't make it in Moroccan cities, because they can't speak [Arabic]. Now the Arabs in Morocco need to learn Berber as they do Arabic," said Slimane, a 23-year-old Berber activist and documentarian in Marrakech, who declined to publish his full name out of fear of retribution from anti-Berber Arab Islamists.
Both Slimane and Adghirni are practicing Muslims.
Despite the indisputable benefits, Slimane says that an official Berber language won't change popular Moroccan Arab attitudes towards Berbers.
"The Berbers are the ice cream in society -- not taken seriously, but a kind of novelty," he said, explaining that while Berber culture is sold to international tourists in jewelry and couscous platters, Morocco has made no gestures to ensure their political representation.
Berbers consider themselves the indigenous people of North Africa and predate the Arab conquest of North Africa. Berber populations stretch from Morocco to Egypt and as far into Sub-Saharan Africa as Nigeria.
Official Moroccan figures say Berbers make up 40 percent of the nation's population, but analysts say the number ranges from 60 to 70 percent. Berber activists say that Moroccan government statistics attempt to downplay the number of Berbers in the country to maintain an Arab majority.
Unlike Slimane, some Berber activists are outraged by the gesture to quiet Berbers with what they call a token change in the Moroccan constitution.
"This is a trick to calm Berber organizations," said Hassan from eastern Morocco.
Although the Berber's movement for integration and respect in Moroccan society has long preceded the recent Arab spring, the Jasmine Revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt provoked a series of protests this year, calling for democracy, and more specifically, political representation of Morocco's majority-cum-minority.
Hassan said that Berber activists are not convinced by the king's gesture toward change.
"Morocco is a Berber country," he said, "not Arab. This is only the beginning of the Berber fight. There won't be any respect for us unless we are represented in government."
Berber militants like Hassan are calling for self-rule.
"There won't be any more legitimacy [in the current government] unless it's run under a Berber system."
But Adghirni, the Berber political representative, has been weathered by death threats from pan-Arabist Islamist organizations. 
"Sometimes I think about leaving Morocco, because my personal life and my rights are constantly menaced," said Adghirni. "But I have a duty to my people -- The Berber activists and everyday people. I'm obliged to stand by them."
Cisco opens networking academy in Morocco
Monday, July 4th, 2011 .
The Moroccan government and Cisco have partnered to launch a regional Cisco Networking Academy program aimed at developing communication skills and technology education in the north African country.
The ministry of education said the move was aimed at providing greater educational training in the ICT sector.
“We are honored that the Ministry of National Education has chosen to collaborate with Cisco in its efforts to ultimately provide ICT skills to improve career and economic opportunities for everyone in Morocco. The Cisco Networking Academy provides a vital long-term solution in the form of creating a highly skilled and well trained local work force. This is critical for accelerating and sustaining economic growth,” Hassan Bahej, general manager, Cisco Morocco.
“The Department is committed to providing up-to-date ICT skills training to administrators and trainers as well as education on the most appropriate methods of training delivery,” says Belqasmi, general secretary of State, Ministry of National Education.
“We are very impressed with the Cisco Networking Academy program curriculum and satisfied that it meets the strategic direction of the Ministry. We are therefore very pleased to be working with Cisco to facilitate the introduction of the academy program into the continuing education system of the Department.”
“With Morocco experiencing tremendous IT growth, it is critically important that we equip our citizens with the right skills to enable them to respond to the changing needs of our society,” says Belqasmi.
The Networking Academy program in Morocco has trained nearly 21,000 candidates since its inception in 2001. It continues to go from strength to strength, witnessing a 10 percent increase in student numbers year on year and currently boasting 73 academies and 90 certified Instructors. There 8553 students enrolled in the program in Morocco of who 35% are female.
 
MOROCCO: ON FISCAL POLICY.
 
ZOUHAIR BAGHOUGH   
07/03/11
New York / Morocco Board News-- Sometimes, reading the budget from top to bottom does not tell much about the policy the government of the day is set on pursuing. So other documents come in handy, like the fiscal expenses report attached to the budget law; It shows how articulate government policy is in its effort to stir the economic variables deemed to be important in a certain direction, so as to achieve a certain policy objective.
It might be interesting to have a look to these figures, because it is a cause of concern for me: it seems the Finance Ministry cannot make up their mind on the proper policies, especially
“Il en résulte un indice de croissance pro-pauvres inférieur à l’unité (0,930) et un taux de croissance d’équivalent pauvreté de 44,7% inférieur, de son côté, au taux de croissance observé (48,0%). Rappelons que lorsque l’indice de croissance pro-pauvres est compris entre 0 et 1, les riches bénéficient plus que proportionnellement de la croissance que les pauvres. C’est exactement ce qui s’est passé entre 1985 et 2007″. (p.2)
Suffice to say that what holds for extreme levels of poverty is particularly true when it comes to the difficulty, for the real middle class in Morocco (and the lower, working classes too) to benefit this growth. That supply-side economics of his makes the 2002 and 2007 governments more pro-Business than ever, but with no obvious positive effects on the vast majority of ordinary Moroccans.
The 2011 Budget bill has passed a deficit of MAD 12.13 Bn, a rather modest figure when compared to earlier deficits (but already topped by the unexpected increases in expenses, mainly on subsidies and wages) though it hides some policy decisions that do not seem to be very sound, or if they were, are quite ideological and socially very divisive. Among others, there were MAD 4.2 Bn income tax cuts in 2010 (and an effective MAD 7.6 Bn) only half of which benefited to middle and lower-class households; These cuts are not economically beneficial to the majority, especially when those economic sectors that benefit from these tax cuts (whether on income tax or others) are not productive: over the last couple of years, certain fiscal measures have been taken to boost real estate in Morocco. In 2010, real estate tax deduction amounted to MAD 4.438 Bn that is 15% of all the MAD 29.8 Bn tax cuts plan in 2010 (scheduled for the 2011 Budget) The 39 measures that enabled these cuts benefited only up to MAD 1.3 Bn in social housing (while other cuts benefit to the well-off) while the rest goes in the pockets of property and real estate developers, large housing owners and corporations. The problem does not reside in these categories benefiting from these tax cuts, the real problem is the hypocrisy surrounding the social housing project. This is but one instance of the amateurish at best -if not outright carelessness on the government’s behalf- in assessing the effects of implemented policies.
On average from 2003 to 2011, tax cuts and loopholes amounted to MAD 21.75 Bn;Real Estate and Agriculture get an average share of 30% of these measures, while education gets at most MAD 100 Million while the financial sector receives on average a Billion a year. The trend of this concentrated distribution increases markedly with 2007.
As for Agriculture, it is understood the sector employs a large workforce -thus requiring a particular social policy designed to insure the balances in this potentially volatile part of Morocco are left untouched (a left-wing government would try to improve them in favour of the peasants against thecambradores) governments since 2006 have been cutting taxes on agriculture at increasingly higher paces, from a MAD 1Bn exemption in 2003 to MAD 4 Bn.
But then again, doesn’t this square with the idea that government taxation should not fall on this fragile sector? Of course it does, unless these measures were actually helping the affluent farmers, those who can afford dozens of thousands acres of land, mechanized techniques and large markets, both abroad and domestically. As for the small peasant with a few dozens of acres, these tax breaks mean nothing. On the other hand, tax breaks can also be applied, so as to improve the domestic purchasing power (at least, that’s the official argument behind these cuts) it seems that the Finance Ministry has fully assimilated the supply-side economics, since their tax policy also believes in a trickle-down economy, whereby a decrease in costs (and in this particular case, VAT taxes) can generate a lower price for consumers. While this argument might hold -when buttressed with some serious econometric computations, we in Morocco do not observe this, and the starkest example is that of subsidies: indeed, edible oil, sugar, milk and other strategic commodities are subsidised, and yet manufacturing companies are recording high levels of profit, and prices are not always low.
Consider the 32 measures targeting Agriculture and Fishery sectors:
Exonération à l’intérieur et à l’importation d’engins et filets de pêche destinés aux professionnels de la pêche maritime. Art.92 (I-3°);123
Exonération à l’intérieur et à l’importation des engrais. Art.92 (I-4°);123
Exonération à l’intérieur et à l’importation de matériels destinés à usage exclusivement agricole. Art.92(I- 5°);123
Exonération des ventes aux compagnies de navigation, aux pêcheurs professionnels et aux armateurs de la pêche de produits destinés à être incorporés dans les bâtiments de mer. Art.92(I-34°)
Application du taux réduit de 7% avec droit à déduction sur les aliments destinés à l’alimentation du bétail et des animaux de basse-cour. Art.99(1°); 121
Exonération à l’importation des bateaux de tout tonnage servant à la pêche maritime, les engins et filets de pêche, les rogues de morues et appâts destinés aux bateaux pêcheurs ainsi que les appareils aéronautiques destinés aux armateurs et aux professionnels de la pêche en haute mer et utilisés exclusivement pour le repérage des bancs de poissons. Art.123(9°)
Exonération à l’importation des Animaux vivants de race pure des espèces équidés, bovine et ovine ainsi que les caprins, les camélidés, les autruches et les oeufs à couver des autruches. Art.123(12°)
And the list goes on. It seems these tax breaks are very much subsidizing imports of specific items the vast majority of farmers and fishermen cannot afford. Of course, there are some commendable measures to be recorded, like those:
Exonération de la vente des dattes conditionnées produites au Maroc ainsi que les raisins secs et les figues sèches. Art.91(I-A-4°)
Exonération de l’huile d’olive et des sousproduits de la trituration des olives fabriqués par des unités artisanales. Art.91(I-A-7°)
Application du taux de 14% sur le beurre à l’exclusion du beurre de fabrication artisanale. Art.99(3-a°);121
But that’s about it. And these amount to very little in terms of fiscal expenses, compared to the potential gains when imports taxes are applied to the item delineated above. The same can be said of the fiat exemption until 2014 of the whole Agricultural output from any taxation; such a measure, while seemingly populist and caring, benefits mainly to the wealthy farmers, and adds up to the double-exemption this population benefits from: tax exemption when importing these items the Budget bill considers vital for farming, tax exemption on exports -their main market- and finally, tax exemption on income they derive from these businesses.
The list of strange and unjust exemption is long; suffice to say that this unsound fiscal policy, added to the debt the Moroccan government is taking on to defuse social discontentment, do not allow for optimistic outlook. On financial markets, the Kingdom’s CDS Debt -a good measurement has climbed some 50 basis points up since the beginning of 2011, and is now at the same level it was during the 2009, while it almost doubled over one year. It is also worth mentioning that the fundamentals of Moroccan debt are not the ones to worry about, nor the current level of CDS (compared to other countries like Greece or Ireland) but rather the discrepancies between terms: while all maturities move across time in the same direction, the shorter maturities seem to be more sensitive than the longer ones. It does vindicate the idea that somehow, fiscal and debt policies do not seem to be motivated by any kind of long-term strategy, but the one to prevail, even at the price of abysmal budgeting and subsequent austerity plans.
Best of luck to the next Finance Minister. Oualalou’s and Mezouar’s respective legacies are a tribute to a pro-wealthy policies… and to the present potential mess lurking in the shadows and ready to burst off. Great show Ministers, you have done very well.
For Morocco's February 20 reform movement, new constitution means rebirth.
John Thorne  Jul 6, 2011 
RABAT // At first glance, the landslide vote for a new constitution in Morocco would appear to be a setback for the country's vibrant but disorganised political opposition.
After all, it appears to accomplish through the ballot box what demonstrations in the street, led by protesters from the February 20 movement, have so far failed to do: gain widespread public support.
But analysts and supporters of the February 20 reform movement say that street politics are increasingly vital to democratic reform, with the movement placed to push leaders to exploit the slim margin for change afforded by the new constitution.
"For me it was a new birth of the movement," said Montasser Drissi, 19, a co-founder of February 20 from Rabat, following renewed protests on Sunday in several cities. "I saw people from parties that support the movement but don't normally go to the street."
The movement has struggled to rally numbers in recent months. Police have violently dispersed some marches while constitution supporters have mounted counter-demonstrations at others, in a few cases hurling stones.
Morocco's communication minister, Khalid Naciri, said that further demonstrations by February 20 would be permitted, calling it proof of Morocco's democratic spirit.
However, the movement suffers from weak organisation, said Fouad Abdelmoumni, a Rabat business consultant and member of the Coalition for Parliamentary Monarchy, a grouping of political parties and activists that supports February 20.
"They're learning to co-ordinate their activities and I think they'll make progress," he said, adding that February 20 has already invigorated politics by empowering smaller parties.
Those parties are part of an unlikely support committee for the movement that also includes trade unionists, human rights groups and Al Adl wal Ihssane, a moderate Islamist movement.
Activities are decided city by city, by show of hands at public meetings. Mr Drissi wants to preserve that ethos of direct democracy while setting up neighbourhood committees to drum up more support.
"I see neighbourhood committees as an important step toward bigger protests, maybe even sit-ins," he said.
The February 20 movement got going via Facebook in January, organising demonstrations to condemn corruption and demand limits to the power of King Mohammed VI.
In March, the king appointed a commission to draft reforms, with the new constitution unveiled on June 17 and approved in a referendum that officials said brought a 98.5 per cent "yes" vote and 73.46 per cent turnout.
King Mohammed has said that the new constitution strengthens democracy. The prime minister must be chosen from the winning party in elections, and has a greater role in forming the cabinet. The king is also called to consult more with elected leaders before making executive decisions.
Morocco is only starting on the road to reform, and what's happening there would not translate well to other states; Morocco is not a country like the others. Still, change is change, and change is coming. Achraf El Bahi
Opponents have called its reforms cosmetic, as they largely preserve the king's power as head of state, while granting him direct control of military, security, judicial and religious affairs. "We were told that we'd have a new constitution, but it's just like the last one," said Karima el Faqih, 33, a civil servant who marched in Rabat on Sunday with other protesters.
On Sunday, rank upon rank of protesters advanced down Rabat's central promenade. When they drew alongside the parliament building, three young men mounted a silver Peugeot to lead chants through a loudspeaker.
"Leave" cried one of the men. "Al Makhzen" thundered the marchers in reply, referring to businessmen, politicians and royal advisers that protesters say wield undue influence.
Media reports estimated another 10,000 February 20 protesters marched through Tangier while 5,000 took to streets in Casablanca, Morocco's commercial capital.
Moroccans say they will be listening for the movement's goals.
"I want justice, better health care, better schools," said Hafed, 31, a Rabat IT worker who watched Sunday's march and declined to give his surname. "As long as February 20 stay peaceful and demand things like that, I can see myself joining them."
At a CD stand nearby, vendor Mohammed was more sceptical. "The king told us that change would come step by step," he said, referring to King Mohammed's June 17 speech outlining the new constitution.
"The protesters are in a hurry, and it's not clear to me exactly what they want."
According to Mr Drissi, February 20 avoids promoting a specific political model, opting instead for demands such as fighting corruption, the release of alleged political prisoners and a democratic constitution.
For now, shows of people-power in the streets may nudge leaders to squeeze reform from the new constitution, said Michael Willis, professor of Moroccan and Mediterranean Studies at Oxford University.
"On paper, the constitution is a decent step forward. What the movement can do is to keep up the pressure on politicians," he said.
"The issue then becomes whether the dominant voices in the palace are genuinely for reform."
Moroccan constitutional referendum recognizes Jewish community. July 6, 2011
(JTA) -- A national referendum in Morocco approved a new constitution that incorporates democratic reforms and recognizes the nationalities that make up the population, including the Jewish community.
The constitution calls Morocco "A sovereign Moslem State, committed to the ideals of openness, moderation, tolerance and dialogue to foster mutual understanding among all civilizations; A Nation whose unity is based on the fully endorsed diversity of its constituents: Arabic, Amazigh, Hassani, Sub-Saharan, African, Andalusian, Jewish and Mediterranean components."
The Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations praised King Mohammed VI of Morocco on the results of the July 1 referendum approving the new constitution.
In a letter to Serge Berdugo, president of the Moroccan Jewish community, Presidents Conference Chairman Richard Stone and Executive Vice Chairman Malcolm Hoenlein said the Presidents Conference has enjoyed a close working relationship with the king, as it did with the late King Hassan II, and noted that the group visited Morocco in 2004 and the leadership continues to exchange visits regularly.
"In a tumultuous region," the letter said, "Morocco remains an island of stability.”
 
 
 
Creating a Children's Refuge in Morocco's Worst Slums.
By KRISTEN McTIGHE July 6, 2011
CASABLANCA — There are few places Yacine, 13, likes to be. Not his school on the outskirts of Casablanca, where he says his teacher comes to class drunk. Not his crumbling home in the city’s sprawling slums, where his mother hit him with an ax.
“She woke up in the middle of the night and found him standing with a knife in his hand by her feet, so she hit him in the head,” said Boubker Mazoz, a community organizer. “She told me she went out to buy acid to pour on him during his sleep. When she was on her way to the store, that’s when she thought of me and came to ask me to put him in an orphanage.”
But here at the Sidi Moumen Cultural Center, on the grounds of a former garbage dump in a neighborhood known for its extreme poverty, Mr. Mazoz has given Yacine a place he says he likes to be. “I told him to consider me his father and that he could tell me anything,” Mr. Mazoz said. “I had to stop this before something worse happened, before one of them killed the other.”
In a country where drug abuse, delinquency and extremism have compelled government officials to embark on what has been hailed as one of the Arab world’s most aggressive programs of slum eradication, the center is trying to lure marginalized children away from the troubled paths so often followed by those living in squalor.
Mr. Mazoz, a retired public affairs specialist for the U.S. State Department, founded the center in 2007 with private financing and the help of the town’s mayor. “I went into the slums and found that these kids were amazingly talented,” Mr. Mazoz said. “They were just never given a chance.”
The center is run by Idmaj, Arabic for “integration,” an association of youths who come from the impoverished neighborhoods they are serving. Mr. Mazoz believes that no one understands the needs of these youths more than their peers and that the children can lead by example.
The center has several classrooms, computers, an extensive library and a stage. Students join sports activities, learn French or English, attend conferences or gather to debate the issues they face. They recently began a journalism project, Words for Change, in which the children blog about their lives.
“My story is only the beginning. It is a point in a sea of interesting stories of the people in the Hofra,” wrote Leila Gouacih in “The Hofra Diaries,” where she blogs about her home in one of the country’s worst slums, Al Hofra, Arabic for “The Hole.”
“The stories here are about the tragedies that have happened to these people,” she wrote. “Through this blog I will be a voice for the people who don’t have a voice. A voice of hundreds of residents. Men. Women. And even children.”
Marisa Mazria-Katz, an American journalist who is helping to run the program, said that blogging had emboldened the children. “I was so impressed with their ambition, their drive, their tenacity, their love of telling the stories around them, and their deep respect for their subjects,” she said. “It gave them a lot of self-esteem.”
Bolstering self-esteem has been a goal of Mr. Mazoz and Idmaj. Where social advancement is made difficult for many because of the stigmatization and discrimination faced for being born in these parts, the center has empowered many.
“Before I was ashamed to say I was from Sidi Moumen, but now I am proud,” said Abdssamad Nifkiran, as he showed off a Sidi Moumen Cultural Center T-shirt that he said he wore around town.
Parents see Mr. Mazoz as a savior.
“What he is doing for these kids is amazing,” said Naima Wahid, whose children come to the center. “He is the best person I have ever known.”
Others say the center is an escape from the hardships of everyday life. “The kids have nothing to do and nowhere to go, they just hang around,” said Hassna Fatoumi, another mother, whose three children come to the center.
Many of the children endure horrid living conditions. Heaps of rotting garbage swelter in the heat and hundreds of people cram into makeshift rooms that serve as living quarters, sleeping quarters and kitchens rolled into one. Often there is no running water, no electricity and no windows for fresh air or light. Bathrooms are rare.
Poverty has led to high levels of school dropouts, illiteracy, drug use, delinquency and worse. Every one of the 12 suicide bombers who strapped explosives to their chests in central Casablanca in 2003 were products of the Sidi Moumen slums. That was the deadliest attack on Morocco to date. Those who detonated themselves in the city in 2007 also came from those slums.
In 2001, aware of the problems growing within the slums, King Mohammed VI made poverty eradication a priority, calling for a supreme jihad to eradicate the social conditions that had created the shantytowns. Then, after the attacks of 2003, he introduced “Cities Without Slums,” a program aiming to eliminate all slums from the country by 2012.
The program offers land to developers at cut-rate prices if they sell some floors of the apartments to families from the slums below market price. Loans are made easier and the families receive grants to help them pay. For a country with limited financial resources, the program has become a success story for the government.
“It was a priority of the nation because the slums were a black stain on Morocco,” said Ahmed Taoufiq Hejira, the housing minister. “The people of the slums are not people who don’t matter. They are not a separate category. The slums are an interest of all Moroccans.”
“It’s not easy, we’ve chosen a difficult problem,” he said.
But Mr. Hejira said Morocco was on track to meet its goal of a slum-free country by 2012 if all partners in the program continued to work together.
Driving through these neighborhoods, change is visible. New buildings are springing up. Children play on fields awaiting construction where slums have been cleared. During the past decade, Morocco has decreased poverty drastically and the slums are shrinking.
“As of May 2011, 43 cities have been declared Cities Without Slums,” said Fatna Chihab, director of social housing at the Housing and Urban Planning Ministry.
While impoverished residents once dismissed government promises as mere talk, today they are more optimistic. “These people are living in the slums, but they have it in their minds that one day they will be relocated,” Mrs. Chihab said. “They have hope.”
Still, some in extreme poverty say the housing is still out of reach.
“The program works, I’ve seen many leave. But I don’t have the money and can’t afford the loans,” said Fatna Helam, a single mother whose husband died in an accident while working in Libya, leaving her to raise her daughter alone. Her home, a two-square-meter, or 22-square-foot, room in Casablanca’s Al Menzah slums, is shared with her one daughter.
“I don’t have a son to work to help pay,” she said. “I don’t have an education to get a better job.”
Mrs. Chihab, however, says such cases are the exception. “There are some cases of people in extreme poverty and we must try and find adapted solutions for them,” she said.
Still, some say the new housing units are becoming cement ghettos because families with limited finances have to go in on apartments together, cramming many into a small space. “It’s just creating new slums,” Mr. Mazoz said.
For those who wait, the Sidi Moumen Cultural Center and its youth volunteers will continue to reach out to children like Yacine, who Mr. Mazoz recently took to a psychiatrist. He also found the boy a new living situation. “The mother came back two days ago with a big knife and started beating him, but the members of Idmaj were there to save the kid and call the police,” Mr. Mazoz said.
On a recent Sunday, parents gathered, music blared and a group of Sidi Moumen children took to the stage to present a play entitled “There Is Always Hope.” Mr. Mazoz stood up to thank the volunteers and encourage the children to continue. Before he could speak, the youths erupted in cheers and chants. “Father Mazoz, you love us and we love you!” they shouted, as Mr. Mazoz smiled.
 
From the Green Machine to Morocco.
Former Laker educators to teach in Casablanca
By TRACI L. WEISENBACH
Tribune Staff Writer Published: Thursday, July 7, 2011
LAKE TOWNSHIP — What started as a “what if” for Mark and Kathi Weidman will become a “we did it,” as they’ll be traveling to Casablanca, Morocco for a two-year teaching assignment.

The Weidmans will be teaching at the George Washington Academy, a 700-student K-12 school which also offers a preschool program. They’re leaving the first week of August on the 10-hour flight. They’ll be home for Christmas and summer breaks, but other than that, they’ll be side by side with Moroccan citizens every day, getting a new perspective of the world.

George Washington Academy is a non-for-profit institution created in 1998 and recognized by both the Moroccan and United States governments as an American school. The student body includes more than 30 nationalities, roughly 60 percent Moroccan, 20 percent American and 20 percent others. Most of the teachers are from the U.S., but others are Moroccan, British, Canadian, French and South African.

The Weidmans both retired from Elkton-Pigeon-Bay Port Laker Schools with a combined 65 years of experience. Mark retired from teaching in 2007 and retired from the athletic director position earlier this year. Kathi retired from full-time teaching in 2008. She worked part-time as a teacher consultant until 2010.Kathi said she knew the word “retirement” would mean something different than the norm for her and Mark.

“We planned on doing something in our retirement, but we weren’t sure what that would be,” she said.

The couple had traveled overseas a number of times, including trips to Africa and Europe. Five years ago, the two traveled to Mozambique five years ago for a two-week mission project, in which they helped start new churches. Mark returned in 2009 to continue working on the same project.

“With the help of a translator, we had to learn to interact with those in the village and develop friendships,” Mark said.

He said while in Mozambique, he realized how the people there spend more time developing relationships, rather than being so caught up in schedules and what time was on the clock. He said he really liked that aspect.

Kathi said it was heart warming to know they were making a difference.

“They really appreciated us coming,” she said.

Soon after retiring from his athletic director position, Mark started looking for opportunities to teach overseas. He explored many websites that featured information on such positions. To start the process, he began submitting his contact information on some of the websites, indicating his interest in finding out more.

“I started getting emails from all over the world (about teaching positions),” he said. “These schools have recruiters who look for American teachers to come to their school.”

One day, Mark received an email about two-year teaching opportunities at George Washington Academy in Casablanca. He approached Kathi about it.

“I asked her, ‘How would you like to go to Morocco,’” he said. “At that time, I never thought it would come about.”

Kathi was unsure at first if she wanted to be away from the family for two years, but on the other hand, she knew she might not ever have such an opportunity again.

“I didn’t want to look back and say, ‘I wonder what would’ve happened if ...’” she said.

The two decided to pursue the opportunity. They submitted references and portfolios and they needed to send in videos of them teaching.

“We went back to Lakers for a day to teach lessons, and Casey Turner taped the lessons for us,” Kathi said.

The Weidmans also had a phone interview with George Washington Academy representatives. They said the school wanted to make sure the couple was truly committed to teaching there for two years.

“They wanted to know if we really thought this through,” Kathi said.

She said the school liked the fact the couple had been overseas before, and the couple has hosted foreign exchange students in years past.

The couple also had a video interview via Skype, an online video calling service. Because they could see one another, the interview process was more personal than over the phone, Mark said.

A couple of days after this interview, the Weidmans found out they were accepted. They decided to go for it.

“We liked the people we talked to, we liked what we saw,” Mark said.

The academy sent them contracts to sign, as well as information about living in Casablanca. All in all, the application process took about a month from start to finish, Mark said.

Kathi will be teaching first graders and Mark will be teaching high school physical education. During the first school year, the couple will live on the academy’s campus, along with other American teachers. The second year, they’ll live in the surrounding community, so they can truly immerse themselves in the culture.

Mark and Kathi, upon arrival at the academy, will have a two-week orientation as they settle into their new positions.

“They do a good job of supporting you and making you feel comfortable,” Kathi said. “They want to do that because it will help the teachers be better in the classroom.”

They said the George Washington Academy is operated similar to public schools in the U.S.. Because Morocco is a Muslim country, the school observes both U.S. and Muslim holidays.

Kathi said the academy is for students of middle class /upper-middle class families who can afford to pay the tuition.

“The parents want their kids to have an American-based education so they can go on to an American university,” she said.

The academy has a trilingual curriculum, as students learn Arabic, French and English. Kathi, who has 20 years of experience teaching first grade, said this will be a challenge for her as a teacher.

“I’ve never worked with students who have English as a second language,” she said.

Kathi noted she’ll have a Moroccan aide in her class, which will be a great help. She said the class will have 20 students.

While there is a set curriculum, Kathi said the academy is open to creative ideas, which she’s happy about.

As for Mark, he said all of the physical education classes will be outdoors.

“They have very nice outdoor facilities,” he said.

The Weidmans said when people hear about what they’ll be doing, they’re curious and excited for them. Some people show interest in doing something like that themselves.

The couple has two children, 26-year-old Dan and 29-year-old Jessica, and two granddaughters, 3-year-old Sadie and 1-month old Lucy.

“Our children have been so supportive, and that’s been wonderful,” Kathi said.

Between now and August, the Weidmans are packing, trying to figure out what they need to take. They’re also perusing French and Arabic language books.

“We’re learning the survival language — what we’ll need to use every day,” Mark said.

The two also are studying about Morocco.

“It’s quite an amazing country — it’s a fascinating place,” Mark said. “The Moroccan people are very warm and inviting and generous. They love to invite people as part of their families.”

While they know much of their time in Casablanca — a city of 4 million — won’t be spent relaxing at a resort, the Weidmans are anxious to begin their unique adventure. They like the aspect of breaking down cultural barriers, so the Moroccan people can have a more clear, accurate idea of what people from the U.S. are like, and vice versa.

“It will be a positive learning experience,” Mark said.

“I’m looking forward to being back in the classroom, developing relationships and learning about the students’ culture,” Kathi said.

As they look back at their previous life experiences, including the overseas trips, the Weidmans realize it was all with a purpose.

“All these things have helped prepare us for what we’re about to take on,” Kathi said. “We feel confident about it.”

“It’s great to get out to see other parts of the world — it opens your eyes to other people and places and allows you to see what could be done or what needs to be done,” Mark said.

Traci L. Weisenbach • (989) 269-6461 • tweisenbach@hearstnp.com
Sounds of Africa: the Festival of Gnawa in Morocco. Tim Cumming Jul 4, 2011 
Times have changed for the 14th Festival of Gnawa, an annual celebration of the traditional music based in Essaouira, Morocco. When Asian Dub Foundation played here in 2007 to an audience that swamped the vast Bab Marrakech outside the fortified walls of the old medina, what should have been a brief journey from one gig to another could easily take a half hour, shuffling through narrow streets with half a million other people.
At this year's festival, which wrapped last weekend, there was just the one main square - Moulay Hassan by the port, one of the most scenic venues on earth, with the long, wide sands of the town beach to the east and the wild Atlantic and a 16th-century Portuguese fort set upon a rocky outcrop to the west.
The African slaves who built the fort and the massive fortified walls around the medina are the forebears of the masters of gnawa, called "malaams", who wield their instruments as though they are conductors for spiritual awakening, drawing the biggest crowds and chants from the festival's predominantly young audience. After an opening parade of shrieking ribab pipes, drums and vocal chants pressing through the medina's equivalent of a high street, Avenue l'Istiqal, the festival's opening act was in many ways representative of the epitome of its original purpose - a natural, flowing fusion between sympathetic musical parts. In this case, those parts were played by the Bamako-based band of Baba Sissoko's Mali Tamani Revolution and Malaam Kbiber from Marrakech, an old festival hand when it comes to working with guest musicians, whether they be from Reunion, Brazil or Europe.
It proved a magical mixture as the low, deep bass of the ghimbri, a three-stringed lute, merged with the ringing notes of the high ngoni, a tiny instrument with a big presence, all while the African sun set over the ocean and the crowd swelled and spread to the back walls of the port, looking out over jagged rocks pounded relentlessly by powerful waves.
The festival's focus this year was on a more intimate experience over massed gathering. This was exemplified in a new venue, the Bastion Bab Marrakech, on the southern corner of the medina. Built in the 19th century, and one of Morocco's largest defensive edifices, each evening this historical monument became an atmospheric open-air venue for several hundred people.
An interesting and still-experimental group of women, Bnat Gnaoua - one of the only female gnawa groups in the country, led by the malaam El Meknassi from Meknes - opened the new venue on the Friday evening, followed by a late-night fusion concert between the popular malaam Mustapha Baqbou (who performed with the Step Afrika dance troupe in last year's edition) and the remarkable young Armenian jazz pianist Tigran Hamasyan, who first began performing festival jazz in his home country at the age of 12 and went on to study American jazz and Armenian music as a protégé of Herbie Hancock.
The trend away from mass gatherings comes after this year's events across north Africa and the Middle East and the tumult of the Arab Spring. The decision made sense logistically, too, as the yearly swamping of the town left Essaouria - and the multitudes of festivalgoers - struggling to cope. This return to its source has resulted in one of the most relaxed gatherings of recent years. The musical experience, however, remained deeply potent.
What is vital to remember about gnawa, an ancient source music, is that it is a modern, contemporary force in Morocco. As Lamia El Bouamri, a writer and editor of Marrakech's "Made In" series of films, articles, guides and blogs on the cultural festivals of Morocco, puts it: "The reason why gnawa is so popular with young Moroccans is because, for them, it is as much the sound of today as the rap of Knaan." Whereas in many other countries, traditional music has a halo of nostalgia, here, gnawa is as contemporary as a car horn.
The festival's focus this year was on musical pan-Africanism, with Saturday night's main acts including not only the Mogadishu-born Knaan, performing classics including his 2010 World Cup anthem as well as tunes for an album to be released this autumn, but the "golden voice" of Africa, Salif Keita.
But the most potent fusion of all was, without doubt, that of the malaam Hassan Bekbou and Jazz-Racine Haiti. Playing after midnight in Moulay Hassan, in the space of a few minutes, their combination won the accolade of this year's defining festival moment - a stunning vocal duet between the gnawa Malaam Bekbou and singer Erol Josue, a Haitian-born Voodoo priest turned R&B singer-turned-Haitian-Voodoo-jazz frontman of one of America's most extraordinary new groups.
Jazz-Racine Haiti is made up of numerous disparate moving musical parts, including the Guadaloupe-born saxophonist Jacques Schwarz-Bart, the Trinidadian trumpeter Etienne Charles, the roots drum master Jean-Baptiste Gaston, also known as Bongo, and the outstanding voice of Josue, who must surely be one of the most flamboyant frontmen ever to hit the stages of Essaouria. The huge after-hours crowd at Moulay Hassan dutifully went nuts in response to his feline onstage athleticism.
Voodoo's roots are in Benin and central west Africa, just as gnawa's roots extend farther south than the Moroccan Sahara. The blood-family ties were immediately obvious as Josue's quavering but powerful voice combined with Bekbou's powerful chants.
Josue was born in Port-au-Prince, moved to Paris and later landed in Florida, where he refashioned himself as an R&B singer among Miami's sizeable Haitian community before relocating to Brooklyn, New York, to join Schwarz-Bart, who himself had been engulfed in the musical rhizome of Haiti from a young age. The combination is perfect, creating a band screaming out for international attention.
It is indicative of Essaouria and the Gnawa festival that it was here, in this stunning seaside town at the heart of one of the greatest festivals of contemporary traditional music in the world, that the music of Haiti via the jazz traditions born of old New Orleans, found its voice, and its global reach.
Karin Kloosterman | July 8th, 2011
Soul-shifting is how I’d describe my two night stay at the Kasbah du Toubkal in the high Atlas mountains. From the gut-wrenching heat of Marrakesh, within an hour and a half we were transported to the mystical landscape of the Moroccan Berbers, and experienced what travel magazines call one of the best mountain lodges in the world.
With a resident chauffeur waiting for us below the lodge in the Berber village of Imlil, the chauffeur being a mule named Douce-adut, I ascended with the baby in her carrier on foot as the donkey carried our lightly packed bags along a 15 minute trail which led to the lodge.
Wrapped in an aura of mystery, I was keen to see just how ecological this lodge would be. The Kasbah du Toubkal met and surpassed my expectations.
Built by a British-Berber partnership and hugged by one of the most stunning vistas you can imagine, the Kasbah du Toubkal is an absolute must, a once-in-a-lifetime experience for anyone traveling to Morocco.
You’ll be impressed by its plastic-bottle saving water station, its Berber-run hospitality, the stunning view and hikes available at your command, along with solar-heated hot water and electricity panels, local slow food traditions such as tangine and couscous, and the small details like the locally carved wood and architecture designs throughout the lodge.
In the environs you’ll see lush fruit trees that bear cherries, apricots and the famous fair-trade argan oil, while lodge owners give a portion of their profits to charity for educating girls who would otherwise not be able to afford school. The lodge makes you feel that you have arrived home and that it’s a place where eco-dreamers, and travelers alike, make dreams come true.
The story of our journey to the Kasbah
We arrived to the Kasbah late afternoon on a Sunday. After the mule taxi up the trail (we walked and donkey-horse carried our things), we swung open a large wooden door and entered paradise.
And it wasn’t only the change in temperatures. We’d come expecting a climax. The winding road from the 45 degrees C stifling heat of Marrakesh was a much-needed change. With every mile up the mountains, the temperatures became more and more human. The taxi ride which can be secured for about 200 dirham (about $25 USD) is not air conditioned, and the unfinished roads might make you wish you’d bought life insurance.
Along the route, the hot sand of the Marrakesh desert will turn to green slopes and valleys spitting out small waterfalls every which way you look. You could be in Switzerland, Peru or Nepal. But the Muslim prayers on the radio remind you that you are on another planet altogether. This is Morocco you remind yourself, but this is something you’ve never known before.  It is clean and pastoral.
Once you walk through the doors at the Kasbah, the gardens are framed by the mountain landscape. When you arrive, turn around to see North Africa’s highest peak, Toubkal Mountain, still snow-covered at its peak in summer. The adrenaline, for nature lovers, reaches a high at this point. Tafline would later climb Mount Toubkal (as she chased her Berber guide to the summit). With baby, I wasn’t up to it. This time. But I would go on a short 2 hour hike.
If you are tired by the short hike up to the retreat, any muscles will be calmed by tiny Moroccan biscuits spiced with fennel seed, washed down by a sweet green-mint tea –– a Berber specialty –– given to guests when they arrive.
We meet one of our hosts, and are quickly brought down to our rooms. Dinner is not far off at 7:30, he says, and he’ll explain more about the lodge tomorrow, when we are rested.
It was as though our rooms were carved into the rock of the mountain itself. Dark, but with windows of green light, it was exciting to see soap nuts in the bathroom, an ecological alternative to polluting detergents. And of course, the cool wind, and view.
Bags were unpacked, tea was made and after baby was asleep we headed up to the 360 degree panoramic balcony where a small cast of characters from the United States, England and France were dining and chatting intermittently.
The intimate setting led to some small talk with the other guests quietly taking in the day coming to an end, and a fantastic lamb tangine, slow-roasted Berber style in the kitchen below. I didn’t want the evening to end, but the cool air brought on some yawns and we went back downstairs to our suite, the Garden Room, a 3-bedroom house often rented by families and groups for birthdays, anniversaries, family celebrations and workshops. We had one room in the complex, along with a salon, kitchen and two small dens. Our view looked out to Toubkal Mountain, which name means “big”.
A peak into the guest book reveals the same conclusions I was thinking: “magic”, “feels like home”.
The next morning my traveling companion had to check out for lack of Internet connectivity at the lodge. She had deadlines and the Internet was too slow to load pages. Note to travelers: do not visit the Kasbah to work. You wouldn’t really want to anyway. It would be a shame. A great collection of books in the guest rooms, and in the common den near the main lobby, will keep you occupied for years. Two days wasn’t going to be enough, but I decided to make the best of it.
Off to sleep with cool wind, and many dreams.
Breakfast started with fresh bread, homemade yoghurt, coffee, argan oil and jam, along with some olives and fruit. Yum.
At 10 am, our guide Abdu was waiting to take us on a hike around some of the small bordering villages in the region of Imlil. One of them was his. We filled the water bottle supplied by the Kasbah at the drinking water station and headed out. The hike revealed argan trees, the tree which produces the argan nut, traditionally digested first by a goat before being split open for oil. Cherries, apricots, and other lush fruit trees lined our journey which wound through a few villages before taking us back in a circle to the lodge. It was tiring, but worth it, especially when I heard villagers piping us a little tune as we walked by them.
Back at the lodge our lunch was prepared – a light salad and couscous. Later that afternoon I walked down to Imlil, following the North African music I heard from one of my balconies. It was a local soccer match. One village against the other, blue versus red. The music was to encourage the spirit among the crowd. Being the only female in the crowd, I decided to walk back up, and make it a day. My hearty lunch had me tucking in early for the night, with more sweet dreams. After an early morning rise, a tour around the place with manager Hajj Maurice, who is from the region, I enjoy a light salad, and am told at noon that my mule driver has been waiting since 8 am to take me back down.
We embark with heavy hearts.
Some light haggling with drivers and it’s back to Marrakesh and the heat.
Some key highlights of the Kasbah which makes it eco-hip in our books:
  • Hot water is heated using thermal hot water heaters on the roof
  • The lodge hires all local people from the region who greet and treat guests with traditional Berber hospitality. Tips are split.
  • There are no phones in the lodges, and you don’t feel at all that you are in a hotel. There are no TVs
  • Soap nuts and ecological products are placed at the disposal of guests
  • Fresh fruit, dried nuts and homemade cookies are waiting for you to enjoy
  • All the food served at the Kasbah is home-cooked, traditional, and from the region
  • Solar power is generated on the roofs of some of the buildings for lighting
  • Wood fixtures inside the Kasbah are hand-carved by local Berbers
  • You’ll find out eco-products throughout, like trash bins made from the rubber of tires
  • Packaging and water bottles are discouraged for use among guests
  • Dorm rooms are at affordable prices for locals and budget travelers
  • Berber bread and meat ovens, for traditional cooking in the garden
  • Participate in mountain waste collection and other clean up activities through Kasbah’s Facebook page
  • Guided eco-trips run through the lodge
  • Supports local education for girls through Education for All foundation
  • Teaches locals about environmental stewardship
While there is no mention of a certified green building standard, like LEEDs used in the building process, the lodge was constructed on the site of an existing ruin, using local materials, and stone where possible.
The Kasbah was a highlight of my trip to Morocco. I went to the country for a conference sponsored by the United Religions Initiative on how the Middle East can face new migration issues. The pit stop at the Kasbah after the conference was a highlight of my life. I enjoyed it so much that I would like to take my family and friends to enjoy its vista, people and atmosphere one day, hopefully soon.
By IINA– July 2, 2011
 
RABAT, 30 Rajab/2 July (IINA)-Moroccans voted Friday July 1st, on a draft constitution that retains Islam as the state religion.
According to the draft preamble, the pride of place given to Islam in the law goes hand-in-hand with Morocco’s commitment to “openness, moderation, tolerance and dialogue for mutual understanding between all cultures and civilizations in the world”.
Debate over this issue probes the nature of Moroccan identity. Some people welcome the preservation of the traditional arrangement, while others contend that the importance attached to religion might hinder development and democracy.
Before the final text of the draft was published, proponents of the traditional definition – including the Justice and Development Party (PJD) – threatened to boycott the referendum if the text did not stipulate clearly the pre-eminence of Islam.
These views on Islam and the constitution indicate various undercurrents in Moroccan society, said Rajae Naji Mekkaoui, professor of law and member of the Constitutional Reform Advisory Committee.
Speaking to Magharebia, Mekkaoui said the Committee never considered the idea of discarding Islam or King Mohammed VI’s role as Commander of the Faithful. A moderate and tolerant form of Islam prevails in Morocco, she said, which is why Moroccans do not tolerate certain forms of extremism and fanaticism.
Despite the explicit role of Islam in the Moroccan Constitution, the law also guarantees freedom of religion. The Jewish community has always played a part in Moroccan society, Mekkaoui said, adding that Jewish Moroccans were represented on the Committee by Albert Sasson, a former dean of the Faculty of Sciences in Rabat.
The draft has been welcomed by Morocco’s Jewish community. The Council of Israelite Communities of Morocco called on Jews to vote “yes” in the referendum.
“We are delighted that the draft highlights the rich diversity of our national identity, which is a major asset in our bid to come to terms with our history and build our common future together,” reads a statement issued June 23rd by the Council.
Some public figures are calling for vigilance, however.
Khadija Rouissi, president of NGO Bayt Al Hikma, warned Moroccans to be wary of those who “use religion to attack innovative and modern ideas that promote values and principles of human rights”, citing the march against the Moudawana in 2002 as a past example.
This view was shared by Ahmed Assid, an Amazigh activist who told Magharebia that “although moderate Islam prevails in Morocco, it is known that there are certain strands, parties and organisations within society that espouse a rigid and intransigent interpretation of Islam and may seek to block certain rights and freedoms”.
Reda Hnaoui, a professor of Islamic education, rejected these arguments, saying it was the king as Commander of the Faithful who guaranteed the open and tolerant nature of Islam.
It was he who intervened to ensure that the Family Code was adopted, by setting up a committee made up of ulemas and experts in various fields,” he said.
AH/IINA
Students experience political change in Morocco.
By Isaac E. Gwin  Saturday, July 2, 2011
RABAT, MOROCCO — During the course of the past several months, numerous countries of the Middle East and Northern Africa, including those of Tunisia and Egypt, have experienced sweeping and dramatic reforms.
Citizens took to the streets in protest of their overbearing, authoritarian governments. This Arab Spring, the name given to the revolutions that have touched much of the Arab world, has brought about a time of collective initiative aimed at fundamentally changing the lives of all those involved.
The North African country of Morocco, encouraged through the influence of the Arab Spring, is primed to undertake its own political and social reforms as its citizens prepare to vote on Friday afternoon to instate a newly amended constitution.
Five KU students currently studying abroad in Morocco will have the opportunity to witness first-hand what this historical moment will mean for the country.
The protests and demonstrations put forth Feb. 20 in the capital city of Rabat, with thousands demanding changes to the constitution and limitations on the monarchy, received the attention of King Mohammed VI, who in response promised to consider their grievances.
The result has been the some 80 clauses that will be voted on by the people to be added to the constitution, of which include the relinquishing of powers to the parliament, constitutionalization of human rights and the official recognition of the Amazigh, or Berber, language and cultural identify.
“This can be seen as the beginning of a gradual move toward more democratization in the future, although, for some these immediate changes are simply not enough,” said Driss Maghraoui, history professor at Al Akhawayn Univeristy in Ifrane, Morocco. “The major concentration of power will still lie with the king. He still has the role of commander of the faithful. He is still the supreme commander of the military. He will also maintain his ability to remove the prime minister. But still for others this is seen as an important step in the right direction.”
The history of voting in Morocco has been one of floundering participation. With reportedly corrupt parties and rigged elections, most Moroccans have shied away from the voting process, or even political dialogue altogether.
“Unfortunately, this is the voting situation in Morocco,” Maghraoui said. "The level of corruption in the past has deterred many from wanting to vote because they know it will not do any good. This was especially true prior to the rule of the current monarch. This regime has been slightly more transparent, though many of the political parties have been discredited. People also know that the King ultimately still has the power. This is something though that I think this regime would like to change. If people don’t go out to vote it will not look good for them.”
The reforms in the new constitution and the push towards democracy have sparked political debate among many college-aged Moroccans who have begun to consider what role they will play in the future of their country and how they will ultimately continue its growth.
“Morocco needs active people,” Zineb Abbad El Andaloussi, a senior at Al Akhawayn, said. "The problem is that our social system is all over the place. Our middle class is almost non-existent. Families are either super rich or super poor, and if you can’t afford to take your kids to school then they will not receive the knowledge necessary to participate in the growth of our country. I ultimately want a transfer of power to the people, but we don’t know who these people are yet and what they would do with this power. Education is what it is going to take to take people out of the dark so they can form and act on their own opinions and not just do what they are told.”
It remains to be seen what will come of Friday’s election in Morocco, but one thing is certain, it has fundamentally started the wheels of change.
“I am anxious to see how this election will go, how many people will actually go and vote, and see if these changes will actually be introduced or not,” said Mehdi Lazrak, a senior at Al Akhawayn. “I really hope this election will get more people involved politically, because it seems that most Moroccans, including myself before this election, really don’t want to have anything to do with politics. The face of Morocco is changing and we all should help to make it what we want.”
As a student studying abroad in a foreign country, the opportunity to witness these kinds of fundamental changes is quite unique.
For Brandon Holland, a senior from Minneapolis studying Arabic this summer at Al Akhawayn Univeristy, Morocco has come to represent a home away from home, and one he is anxious to see what the future will hold for.
“The desire for political change is undeniable here, Holland said. “It’s really interesting to see how the king has handled everything. It hasn’t been a situation like we’ve seen in Egypt with Mubarak or in Libya with Gaddafi. He has kept it mostly peaceful. I have to commend King Mohammed VI for giving these reforms. He’s politically savvy enough to keep things from escalating. It’s all incredibly interesting and I really hope things turn out well here. I really do love this country.”
Morocco: Reforming the Constitution, Fragmenting Identities.
YOUNES ABOUYOUB JULY 6, 2011
Most Moroccans applaud—and rightly so—the bold decision of King Mohamed VI to include in the preamble of the newly proposed constitution the official recognition of Tamazight as a state language alongside Arabic, the first official acknowledgement of Amazigh (Berber) identity on a constitutional level in a North African country. In fact, this inclusion is what some analysts have speculated led to the overwhelming approval of the July 1 constitutional referendum; Thomson Reuters reported that 98.5 percent of the population voted in favor, with a 73 percent turnout of registered voters. Skeptics cast doubts over that figure, citing voting irregularities, and point out that the king’s play of the Berber identity card is no more than a bid to pass off a cosmetically new constitution while holding on to his monarchy.  Those who are more cynical suggest that the consequences might be dire, and lead Morocco down the road to the Algerian model of tension between those of Arab and Berber origins. 
The second preambular paragraph of the amended constitution outlines the national identity of Morocco:
"[Morocco is] a sovereign Muslim State, committed to the ideals of openness, moderation, tolerance and dialogue to foster mutual understanding among all civilizations; A Nation whose unity is based on the fully endorsed diversity of its constituents : Arabic, Amazigh, Hassani, Sub-Saharan, African, Andalusian, Jewish and Mediterranean components."
The recognition of Tamazight is quite a shift; as recently as 2005, when Amazigh activists Ahmed Dgharni and Omar Louzi attempted to launch a political movement advocating Berber identity, their Moroccan Amazigh Democrat Party (PDAM) was banned by the Ministry of the Interior in 2007, and later legally dissolved on the grounds that ethnic-based parties were (and still are) prohibited in Morocco.
 
While Amazigh revival movements are a relatively recent trend in Morocco, Berber identity politics in the region are nothing new.  During the colonial period, the French administration implemented policies intended to sow discord between Berbers and Arabs, while actively pushing a Francophone culture. The so-called “Berber Decrees” issued in May 1930 attempted to institutionalize two distinct legal systems in Morocco, one based on local “customary” laws for those considered “Amazigh” and another based on Islamic law for “Arabs.” Later nationalist movements in Algeria and Morocco reacted with a distinct emphasis on a pan-Arab unity and the role of the Maghreb in the Arabic-speaking world. The quest for a national and regional identity emphasized Arab while marginalizing Amazigh throughout North Africa, suppressing Berber identity for fear of breakaway movements—the most famous being the Berber Spring of 1980, which resulted in the arrest of hundreds of Berber activists in Kabyle and a general strike that lasted for weeks.
 
While the policy of “dual identity” succeeded in creating major social schisms in post-independence Algerian society, it failed in Morocco, where after centuries of intercultural exchange and intermarriage it has become difficult, if not entirely impossible, to distinguish a “pure Amazigh” from a “pure Arab.” From a historical point of view, claiming an Arab or Amazigh ancestry in Morocco amounted to nothing more than the political stressing of subjective identities, with one or the other emphasized at times and downplayed at others as the relation between movements and cultural changes in population were mediated by power. Claiming the Arab-Islamic title of sharif (noble) evoked a prestigious lineage connected to the Prophet Muhammad, giving the claimant the political legitimacy associated with the “commander of the faithful.” On the other hand, other Moroccan leaders have stressed an Amazigh pedigree so as to associate with such figures as Abdelkrim al-Khattabi, the Berber revolutionary who defeated the Spanish army during the battle of Anoual in 1921. It follows that Amazigh and Arab identities are not mutually exclusive, and that being one or the other is a cultural acquisition common to all Moroccans, even those who choose not to identify as such. 
 
While historically different than Algeria, Morocco is not immune to a possible rift between what have hitherto been two fluid identities if the ongoing political reforms fail to deliver a truly citizen-based identity. Amazigh activists and pan-Arabists across Morocco have returned to the question of identity politics along the divisive model: within the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture (IRCAM), scholars question whether Morocco rightly belongs to the “Arab world,” while pan-Arab activists respond that Morocco’s Islamic identity is proof enough, accusing IRCAM of fostering ethnic divisions by choosing the neo-Tifinagh alphabet (rather than the Arabic) to write out Tamazight. Some Amazigh scholars and activists, such as the IRCAM member Meriem Demnati, have expressed concern that Morocco will follow Algeria’s example of “second-rate formalization,” in which the recognition of Berber identity is devoid of practical application. Such activists have become fierce critics of the Islamist Party of Justice and Development and the nationalist Istiqlal Party, which they accuse of being “Amazighophobe Arabists” bent on preventing official recognition of Amazigh identity and language. That said, ethnicity-based political parties (even ones advocating Berber identity issues) command little popular support, and are also still illegal under the newly approved constitution. 
 
The king’s official recognition will also be felt elsewhere in the region. Ferhat Mehenni, President of the Provisional Kabyle Government (Kabyle being the Amazigh equivalent in Algeria) hailed the constitutional reforms in Morocco, predicting that they will provoke other groups to press for similar constitutional recognition of Amazigh culture and language. Hitherto, other North African nations have, at most, recognized the vague “national” status of Amazigh, but left Arabic as the sole “official language” of state business. Mehenni has suggested that it will not be long before Algeria’s constitution will be changed if a working model gets underway next door. 
 
Younes Abouyoub, Ph.D. researches political sociology at the Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies at Columbia University.
 
Morocco recognises Andalusian influence
Arabic News Digest  Jul 3, 2011 
Morocco recognises Andalusian influence
"The new Moroccan constitution recognises the Andalusian culture as one of the country's national identities … This has prompted Muslims in Spain to announce their intention to swear allegiance to King Mohammed VI as a commander of the faithful," reported Hussein Majdoubi in the London-based newspaper Al Quds al Arabi.
Morocco is historically linked to Andalusia: hundreds of thousands of Muslims settled in Morocco at the end of Islamic rule in Iberia [before 1500AD]. But this is the first official recognition of the role of this community.
Ali Raissouni, an Andalusian scholar and activist, called this an important step for Morocco to further strengthen its ties with Europe.
In an interview with the Moroccan online newspaper Hespress, Mehdi Flores, an official of the Spanish Islamic Committee, said that allegiance is part and parcel of the Islamic state: "As Spanish Muslims, we hope to have the opportunity to pledge allegiance to King Mohammed VI in his capacity as the commander of the faithful," said Mr Flores.
"This should not embarrass the Spanish government since Catholics here paid tribute to the Pope as their religious authority … and we hope to go to Morocco to swear allegiance to the king not in terms of his political role but rather because of his religious capacity."
Syrian protesters are learning, regime is not
Friday saw massive protests asking Syria's president, Bashar Al Assad, to step down, wrote Tareq Alhomayed in a leader article for the pan-Arab newspaper Asharq al Awsat.
Syrians insist on change, and have now raised the ceiling of their demands. In this way they have already overridden the proposals made last week by certain opposition figures who met in Damascus, and the proposals made by those based abroad.
To their credit, Syrians took to the streets showing an unprecedented discipline and self-restraint. There was no violence, no sectarianism, no sabotage.
As time passes, the mistakes of the regime multiply; there is no sign it has learnt from its own blunders. This situation will lead the country to an impasse.
Demonstrators, on the other hand, have come to know the importance of remaining alert, careful and organised. They also show a deep understanding of the situation and how to deal with it. The New York Times quoted an activists from Hama saying, "We learnt from our mistakes … Sparking a partial revolution is like digging our graves with our hands." It is not surprising that half a million Syrians demonstrated in Hama on Friday, in defiance of fear.
Meanwhile, the regime is still reluctant to respond to the street demands for introduction of wide-scale democratic reforms.
Lebanon indictment must not be politicised
"The decision by the [Special] Tribunal for Lebanon, which indicted four people close to Hizbollah, came during a heated political battle between the government and the opposition in preparation for the presentation of the first statement to the parliament next Tuesday," noted the Qatari newspaper Al Raya.
The long-awaited ruling should not, however, push people from all over Lebanon's political spectrum to engage in insane debates that could jeopardise the stability of the country.
Everyone should seek justice, which needs to take its course. It is true that the assassination of former prime minister Rafiq Hariri was a crime that concerned all Lebanese. But there is no point in politicising it out of proportion.
It is also advisable not to incriminate Hizbollah and the Lebanese resistance per se. The case concerns only the four suspects, regardless of their parties or sects.
The minister of interior, Marwan Sherbal, expressed this well when he said that "the indictment decision should remain a security resolution."
Given the vulnerable political and security situation of the country, political actors need to look at the court decision not as a victory of one party or sect over another. They should work together to implement justice, and regard the national sovereign interest as their top priority.
Morocco's referendum
A very small step
The king has offered some reforms, but the opposition is not satisfied
July 7th 2011 | BENSLIMANE
WITH the easterly wind, the shergui, enveloping them in hot desert air, most of the residents of Benslimane, a sleepy town in north-west Morocco, waited till dusk to vote in a constitutional referendum on July 1st, pressed by officials who wanted a strong turnout for what has been as much a test of King Mohammed VI’s popularity as a poll about reform.
Businessmen backing the yes vote held celebratory street parties. Imams at Morocco’s mosques were instructed to preach in favour of what was heralded as the king’s constitution. But even in conservative Benslimane, some 800 dissidents campaigned for a boycott. A headmaster at a local school serving as a polling station was overheard muttering that the whole exercise was a masquerade.
The result—98.5% in favour—drew guffaws of disbelief from members of the February 20th movement. The coalition of leftists, independent liberals and Islamists from the banned Justice and Spirituality movement surprised many when its protests for social justice and democracy drew thousands of sympathisers across the kingdom earlier this year. It called for a boycott of the referendum.
The new constitution includes some important reforms. It establishes human rights as core principles, recognises Berber, spoken by many Moroccans alongside Arabic, as an official language and calls for gender equality. It gives new powers to the prime minister and parliament and inaugurates a much-needed overhaul of the judiciary. It no longer deems the king sacred, though he is still “Commander of the Faithful”.
Critics complain that many of the new constitution’s articles refer to “organic laws” that have not yet been written, making the extent of some changes uncertain. Others depend on the creation of special commissions, mostly headed by the king. Political parties, a majority of whom backed the “yes” vote, only saw a draft of the constitution at the last minute. No mention is made of King Mohammed’s promise, which came in a speech in March, of moving towards a parliamentary monarchy. The king remains—directly or indirectly—in control of the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, or as the new constitution puts it, a “supreme arbiter” of political and institutional life. In many respects, the new constitution merely codifies an existing method of governing that allows the palace to micromanage at its whim.
When the February 20th movement was launched, inspired by the Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions earlier this year (but never calling for the king’s head), it drew much public sympathy. Many Moroccans felt enthusiastic about Mohammed VI, dubbed the “king of the poor” at the beginning of his reign in 1999. But less so in recent years, during which press freedoms were dramatically curtailed, incidents of torture returned and corruption increased.
Yet many Moroccans have been frightened by the attempted regime change in Libya and Syria. “We want transformation without violence,” says Saad Eddine Othmani, a leader of the opposition Islamist Justice and Development Party, which supported the new constitution. “This…is a beginning.”
General elections expected later this year could bring further change. But although the new constitution may have bought the king some time—helped by a doubling of food and fuel subsidies, the creation of new government jobs and the boosting of civil-service salaries—the regime is still not dealing with people’s main grievances, notably failing public-health and education systems, and rampant corruption. The political elite needs to take note, cautions Omar Belafrej, the head of a left-leaning think-tank. “There is little goodwill left.”
 
 
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